How is "Post-marginalization Northern Kenya" Supposed to Look Like?

With the current humanitarian crisis hitting Kenya and the public anger accompanying it, there comes a question that perhaps will shape our new understanding of drought and northern Kenya politics. This question is informed by the setting up of county governments and the political retooling they have caused with regards to who should be blamed.

                                       

Some time back, in places like Turkana, the interaction between the political class and the public used to thrive during moments of hunger like the ones we are experiencing now. During those days, the very idea of marginalization used to be a finality in itself. It brought many other concepts that for a politician could only be termed as a blessing. One such concept was the idea about the composition of a "real leader" and his roles.

Simply speaking, a "real leader" was the one who could point his fingers towards Nairobi so as humanitarian aid pours unto his people as soon as possible. So for a politician, this occasion was more of an occasion to pick political bonga points without any stress. This idea was itself a baby of another idea. National government structures were nowhere to be seen in the villages. So this created a vacuum both in terms of information flow and in blame gaming.

Unlike during this era of devolution, the public had no choice but to stick on marginalization as the cause of all their problems. All talks revolved around how to conquer marginalization and restoring "pre-marginalization hope to the people of northern Kenya."

But here comes a new path. Devolution has popped in with its billions. The public is now drifting away from marginalization as the cause of its daily challenges. What used to be Nairobi's sins are quickly being transferred to the doorsteps of county governments. Augmented by social media, residents can now question the priorities of their county governments. This whole transition demonstrates the death of what used to be an era of misinformation and dominance from above.

This has given birth to what can be referred to as a "post-marginalization era", or what others call the era of devolution. This concept reignites the very question that shaped that old era of misinformation but in a somehow different way. The question is: how is "post-marginalization northern Kenya" supposed to look like?

This question brings to life that debate about politics of poverty and poverty of politics, and why some people assert that northern Kenyans shouldn't be optimistic that devolution will change their lives. The debate is particularly informed by the root cause of marginalization.

Truth be said, marginalization thrived because there was support from those with and in power. The public was just a victim of leaders' failure to prioritize public interests. These "development seminars" we see all over have an opportunity to rethink their agenda so as to respond to today's expectations of northern Kenyans.

When it is evident that the public knows what development is and who should be blamed for profiting from poverty, then it becomes an obligation on the side of development stakeholders and all political leaders to retrace their path with a view to impacting positively on the public.

Again, while "post-marginalization northern Kenya" seems to be progressing thanks to devolution, questions about the extent of this progress still dominate the minds of many residents. The control of resources destined to counties by local "sons and daughters" is itself a reason to question their commitment in fighting poverty.

In my opinion, this commitment can only be actualized by asking those at the helm of local decision making organs to remember that to remove the poor from poverty is not and can never be a one-sided activity. Prof Paulo Freire, the author of Pedagogy of the Oppressed, had a reason when he said "those to be liberated should be the initiators of their own liberation".

Post-marginalization northern Kenya lies in the hands of its leaders. By re-configuring and rejecting politics of marginalization, the public has already initiated its liberation. Leaders have no choice but to be part of it.

History will one day question our interventions.

Lemukol M. Ng'asike is an Architect. Email: lemoseh89@gmail.com. Twitter: @mlemukol.