With the current humanitarian crisis hitting
Kenya and the public anger accompanying it, there comes a question that perhaps
will shape our new understanding of drought and northern Kenya politics. This
question is informed by the setting up of county governments and the political
retooling they have caused with regards to who should be blamed.
Some time back, in places like Turkana, the
interaction between the political class and the public used to thrive during
moments of hunger like the ones we are experiencing now. During those days, the
very idea of marginalization used to be a finality in itself. It brought many
other concepts that for a politician could only be termed as a blessing. One
such concept was the idea about the composition of a "real leader"
and his roles.
Simply speaking, a "real leader"
was the one who could point his fingers towards Nairobi so as humanitarian aid
pours unto his people as soon as possible. So for a politician, this occasion
was more of an occasion to pick political bonga
points without any stress. This idea was itself a baby of another idea.
National government structures were nowhere to be seen in the villages. So this
created a vacuum both in terms of information flow and in blame gaming.
Unlike during this era of devolution, the
public had no choice but to stick on marginalization as the cause of all their
problems. All talks revolved around how to conquer marginalization and
restoring "pre-marginalization hope to the people of northern Kenya."
But here comes a new path. Devolution has
popped in with its billions. The public is now drifting away from
marginalization as the cause of its daily challenges. What used to be Nairobi's
sins are quickly being transferred to the doorsteps of county governments.
Augmented by social media, residents can now question the priorities of their
county governments. This whole transition demonstrates the death of what used
to be an era of misinformation and dominance from above.
This has given birth to what can be referred
to as a "post-marginalization era", or what others call the era of
devolution. This concept reignites the very question that shaped that old era
of misinformation but in a somehow different way. The question is: how is
"post-marginalization northern Kenya" supposed to look like?
This question brings to life that debate
about politics of poverty and poverty of politics, and why some people assert
that northern Kenyans shouldn't be optimistic that devolution will change their
lives. The debate is particularly informed by the root cause of
marginalization.
Truth be said, marginalization thrived
because there was support from those with and in power. The public was just a
victim of leaders' failure to prioritize public interests. These
"development seminars" we see all over have an opportunity to rethink
their agenda so as to respond to today's expectations of northern Kenyans.
When it is evident that the public knows what
development is and who should be blamed for profiting from poverty, then it
becomes an obligation on the side of development stakeholders and all political
leaders to retrace their path with a view to impacting positively on the
public.
Again, while "post-marginalization
northern Kenya" seems to be progressing thanks to devolution, questions
about the extent of this progress still dominate the minds of many residents.
The control of resources destined to counties by local "sons and
daughters" is itself a reason to question their commitment in fighting
poverty.
In my opinion, this commitment can only be
actualized by asking those at the helm of local decision making organs to
remember that to remove the poor from poverty is not and can never be a
one-sided activity. Prof Paulo Freire, the author of Pedagogy of the Oppressed, had a reason when he said "those to
be liberated should be the initiators of their own liberation".
Post-marginalization northern Kenya lies in
the hands of its leaders. By re-configuring and rejecting politics of
marginalization, the public has already initiated its liberation. Leaders have
no choice but to be part of it.
History will one day question our interventions.
Lemukol M. Ng'asike is an Architect. Email:
lemoseh89@gmail.com. Twitter: @mlemukol.
