FLAG LAWS - AN EXTENSION OF COLONIAL OFFICIALDOM

I'm yet to understand the purport of flag laws in Kenya. Perhaps am fixated to those old ways of thinking or I claim to know more than our able law-makers. Only God can tell. You see, the other day the Parliament of Kenya passed a law regulating the usage of the national flag. It went ahead to list office holders who are entitled to fly the national flag. The law, dramatically, criminalizes any 'unauthorized citizens' from flying the flag. 

For your information, this law has been alive for the last fifty years! It is purely a Kenyan product - designed, drafted, passed and promulgated by Kenyans.

But wait, my mind is bubbling with questions: Do flags have anything to do with patriotism? If yes, what is the measure of one's patriotism? Is it a duty to be patriotic? Can the State criminalize acts and/or expression of patriotism? Does the flag belong to the people or the State? Is it an entitlement to fly the national flag?

I think this law is nothing new but an extension of the colonial officialdom - a relic and oppressive brouhaha of the past. It is a true testament of the eternal link between the colonized and their masters. It is akin to an 'extended colonialism' - with homegrown black masters calling the shots. We have a long way to break and vanquish this dialectical bond for Wanjiku to taste the fruits of her nation's independence.

 In his masterpiece "The Pedagogy of the Oppressed", Paulo Freire argues that such situations as this (flag laws) are grounded on dialectical materialism in which an oppressor class (read 'authorized citizens') oppresses and an oppressed class (read 'unauthorized citizens') is oppressed. They live side by side. They drive on the same roads. They recite the same national anthem. But their worlds are far apart. One controls while the other follows without questioning.

He moves on to analyse their point of convergence. That the duty of liberating both classes rests with the oppressed. This duty is premised on the consciousness of the oppressed class. It is by controlling the growth of this consciousness that the people are subdued and their journey to self-emancipation stopped.

This flag thing represents the prescriptive impositions of the political class upon the masses with a view to transforming their conscience into one that conforms with the prescriber's consciousness. It is a classic case of corrupting the eyes and the minds of the people into accepting their place as underdogs and second class citizens whose patriotism must be prescribed by the State. It has nothing to do with protocol issues.

Come on! This law seeks to legitimize that Orwellian paradox - where some animals are more equal than others. It seeks to negate the fundamental declarations enshrined in our constitution in which all Kenyans are presumed equal and entitled, without discrimination, to enjoy their nation’s endowments (flag included).

A national flag represents the blood, sweat and the pain of Kenyans. It is symbolic of their long painful trek toward independence and consciousness. It belongs to them. The State is just but a custodian of the flag. 

But all is not lost. The President can do the country a great job by returning this Bill back to parliament with clear instructions to allow everybody - yes all Kenyans - to fly the national flag.

Will this make us more patriotic? I hope so, after all the national flag belongs to us - the masses, not a select few.

Twitter: @mlemukol

TULLOW MUST STOP TOKENISM TO WIN THE TURKANAS

I have been thinking, trying to figure out how oil wealth can be used to empower a people, who prior to the discovery of this black gold, were (and are still) classified as marginalized. I have sought refuge in numbers - statistics and government hullabaloo - to decipher the right medication for these people. I have interrogated the interventions of those entrusted with the task of uplifting the masses. And I have come to understand that no matter the nobility of an action, a thought or an initiative, if it is not founded on principles, it will never be of value to the people. This is why.

The Turkana community, as in other Kenyan communities, is divided into two groups. There is that minor segment that wields power and claims to be the mouth piece of the people. Then there exists the larger mass – comprised of the illiterate cow herder and his family - that roams in the plains and valleys of Turkana County in search of water and pasture.

These groups are linked. The minority (but powerful) depends on the numbers of the illiterate mass to advance its self-serving interests. This portion is well-schooled and boasts of a firm economic and political base. The majority, on the other hand, have no alternative but to cling on the backs of their "brothers and sisters" so as to get the goodies of this world. But as we speak, things are not working in favour of the majority. They are still in the dark.

It is no news that Turkana County holds the tag of an ‘illiterate county’. Most of its residents have hardly stepped in school. In some parts of this vast county, schools are non-existent. Majority of the existing ones are fruits of labour and generosity of faith-based organizations. In some places schools must accompany learning with food rations to ‘retain kids in classes’.

Which begs the questions: Will Tullow Oil break up this cycle and liberate my people? Or will they resort to the easiest but dangerous route of enriching and supporting the small but powerful clique masquerading as peoples’ representatives? Do they understand the dynamics of the Turkana people?

I’m no pessimist. But I can’t allow my mind to tolerate a false thought that is detached from the reality. Turkana needs more primary and secondary schools. It needs more dispensaries and health clinics. It needs more water points and life skills. To run away from these is to negate the aspirations of the people. It is counter-productive and elitist.

Tullow Oil is getting it wrong. It has devoted much of its funds to sponsoring postgraduate students, majority of whom being non-residents of Turkana County, against the wishes of the majority. I think they have to be reminded before things get out of hand.

Those millions of shillings going to postgraduate students can better serve and win the hearts of the Turkana people in a different way. The people want their immediate demands responded to. They find it juicy and acceptable if those funds are used to build brand new primary and secondary schools across the county.

The Kenya government, Tullow Oil, local leaders and all other development stakeholders must debunk the myth that seeks to exclude the Turkana people from participating in matters development. There is this thinking that one can just walk into Turkanaland and do anything ‘because the people there are illiterate and know nothing’

Development initiatives should not be used as a tactic to win some and exclude the majority. Development is predicated on collective participation. They must seek to bring all on board and respond to the needs of the vulnerable. Anything out of this is not development. It is a ploy to weaken the people from within. It is mere tokenism that will never materialize. It will boomerang against its creators.

My advice is simple and clear: You can only win the hearts of the people of Turkana County by embracing them; with all their weaknesses and know-nothingness. Not through tokenism!

Twitter: @mlemukol.

DEVELOP HOMEGROWN SOLUTIONS TO URBAN SPRAWL

Eastern African cities are characterized by sprawl, high levels of slums and informality, with limited institutional capacity to regulate, administer and manage housing and land market functions. Essentially, these cities are fast-growing, with the majority of growth taking place in slums. It follows that so many rural folks flock to cities in pursuit of new economic opportunities and to connect with the outside world, with majority of whom settling down in slums.

The UN-Habitat in its report; The State of African Cities 2014, faults the direct transplanting of the master planning approach into Eastern African planning contexts. It further states that, this approach ignores the fact that the majority of growth in Eastern Africa occurs in slums and informal settlements. In such circumstances master planning (may) directly contribute to further social and spatial marginalization or exclusion from the urban fabric. 

In most cases this segregation has led to the emergence of informal settlements tailored along tribal lines or group interests. This is informed by the need to have a 'solid pressure group' to help air out the grievances of the slum dwellers. It is purely a political arrangement to cure a spatial ailment.

This explains the thinking behind the demographic composition of Nairobi’s slums. Each informal settlement is under a certain dominant community that calls the shots. It is akin to an extension of the countryside.

These ‘pressure groups’ can be a source of urban instability thanks to Eastern Africa’s turbulent political climate. Institutionalization of these ‘pressure groups’ must be checked through a consultative and progressive manner. Demolitions and use of force when diagnosing spatial cancers in these settlements will only serve to solidify the philosophy behind the creation of ‘pressure groups’.

In a region pursuing economic progress, it is incumbent to stem this matter and provide a long-lasting solution in order to avert any future crisis.

Planning regimes deployed in Eastern Africa cities have not been focused upon the needed sociopolitical reforms and changes necessary in an African city. Consequently, while isolated pockets of planned urban spaces exist in terms of residential, industrial and corridor developments, these remain largely piecemeal, responding only to a minority of, often the wealthier recipients.

Nairobi city, for instance, is on a trajectory mode. It is experiencing accelerated infrastructure development. Major roads in the city are either being face-lifted or expanded to accommodate the ballooning vehicle-loving city population. 

On the other hand, the urban poor are increasing. With less than five percent of the city's wealth going to the poor, it is therefore, logical to believe that this segment will never climb the economic ladder on their own unless the state intervenes. Previous interventions through master planning and selective development have never played to the advantage of the poor.

In some instances, the state has intervened by building houses for the urban poor only to 'discover' that the slum dwellers aren't in need of these houses. They need the basics - water, schools, markets, toilets, health facilities, police posts et al.

But with the advent of devolved governments and accelerated top-down approach, it is believed urban planning will take center stage and be given the due importance it deserves. It is my hope that these units will adopt a pragmatic approach and deal with the issues of the urban poor once and for all.

Nairobi City County, for example, has a lot to do. In the city's slums, water is still a distant commodity. Sanitation is wanting. Insecurity is at its peak. Disaster-response is overstretched.

Mathare slums, with an approximate population of 500,000 have only three toilets. With such glaring inequalities, it will be a disservice to the people to stick to normative orientations of urban planning in the Global North. It is time to develop and implement homegrown solutions! 

Twitter: @mlemukol

WHY IS IT IMPORTANT TO REMEMBER THE 1994 GENOCIDE AGAINST THE TUTSI?

Remembering conflicts sometimes is as conflicting as the conflicts themselves. It is common to hear people affirming that remembering painful episodes in a person's, a family's, a community's or even a nation's life 'paints' a picture of paranoia and by extension serves as a justification for revenge against the alleged perpetrators of conflicts.

Remembering, according to this school of thought, is likened to an act ‘of opening old wounds with a view to instilling pain on the victims and to justify the heinous acts of the perpetrators'. This is opposed to remembering as a tool to initiate dialogue and 'self-screening'.

Examining 'remembering' as a central pillar for any reconciliation and tolerance, therefore, serves to debunk any theories advanced to justify the contrary. For no society lives in isolation and in complete disconnect with its past. Progress is looking back to fortify the present and the future.

This brings us to our theme; is there any relevance/importance/significance in remembering the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi and mass atrocities elsewhere? The answer is an emphatic YES! This is why.

Remembering is the great humanistic and historical task of the people: to liberate themselves and their societies. To affirm that men and women are persons and as persons should be free, and yet to do nothing tangible to make this affirmation a reality, is a farce.

Humans are makers and consumers of their own history. Their lives are symbolic of a dialectical bonding with their world. Mistakes of the past become cornerstones of today's reconstruction and today's successful reconstruction becomes a prized subject of discussion for 'absorbing the mistakes of the past and making something good out of them'.

This isn't, therefore, a justification for committing mistakes so as to learn and lay foundations for future reconstruction. To do this is akin to glorifying wrong doing at the expense of promoting the positives that humanity offers. But when such mistakes arise, it behooves to learn from them to avert any future negatives. This is why remembering the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi, as opposed to repeating the mistakes of the past, comes in handy.

Remembering seeks to objectivize a situation, an incident or an act of Men. It is a bridge that brings the past on the reflexive table of the present. It offers a platform for the victims and the alleged perpetrators to ‘discover’ their common bond. Remembering in itself serves nothing unless it is spiced up by admission and acceptance of mistakes.

Which begs the question: how does remembering the Rwandan genocide and mass atrocities elsewhere serve to spice up admission of guilt on humans across the globe, and in particular, in conflict-prone countries?

As Kofi Annan lamented on the 10th anniversary of the Rwandan Genocide, “Such crimes cannot be reversed. Such failures cannot be repaired. The dead cannot be brought back to life. So what can we do?” The answer is that the international community will only prevent the killing fields of the future by heeding the lessons from past tragedies. What, then, are these lessons, and, as Annan asks, what can we do? The first and foremost lesson of the Rwandan genocide – not unlike the Holocaust – is that these genocides occurred not simply because of the machinery of death, but also because of state-sanctioned incitement to hate.

As underlined by the former UN chief, prevention of genocide lies not in the deactivation of the machinery of death but in guarding the body of literature that the people consume. That the solution lies in the humanization of our thoughts, talks and actions. Sometimes this may be misconstrued to mean that the state be given unchecked powers to intrude into peoples' daily lives. Prevention of any form of dehumanizing acts is not, and can never be, the sole responsibility of governments. The people have a role to play in shaping their own destiny.

 

It is, therefore, incumbent upon the citizens of the world to know that the prevention of genocide - and all inhuman works of Men - lies in humanization process of our thoughts, talks and actions.

Peace is a fruit of self reflection and acceptance of the universal truth that we live because others live and that we are called upon to strengthen this bond. The Strength of this bond is premised on the simple fact of remembering and examining the past with a vision to better and improve the present for a prosperous and peaceful future.

As we commemorate this 20^th anniversary of the Rwanda genocide – an unspeakable atrocity where one million Rwandans were murdered in a three-month genocidal onslaught that began on April 7, 1994, it is natural to remember the combatants and victims alike, in the Republic of South Sudan (ROSS), the Federal Republic of Somalia, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Syria among others.

As we remember the Rwandan genocide we commit ourselves to the truth that there are no winners in wars. There are no gains in any war. Wars only serve to concretize the dehumanization of a people. As the old Somali proverb states, wars know neither brothers nor sisters, it is a call for everybody to be at the forefront in championing for peaceful coexistence.

The Rwandan genocide is a clear demonstration of what apathy and silence can cause. As a million people were slaughtered in the most horrific manner man can ever imagine, the world stood aside in silence. The world arrogated to itself the role of a bystander – a neighbor who is totally disconnected from the sufferance of others.

Yes, twenty years have gone since this horrendous act happened but a BIG question still lingers in our minds: Should we stand aside and watch as our brothers and sisters slaughter and butcher each other in South Sudan, Somalia, Syria and Congo (DRC)?

Did we learn anything from the Rwandan genocide? Do we still value the brotherly bond that sticks us together? 

As we remember the Rwandan genocide against the Tutsi, it does not escape my mind to pay homage to the vulnerable segments of any society – women, children and persons with disabilities. The cries of women victimized by sexual violence, brutalized children whose pleas for mercy fell on deaf ears and the persons with disabilities whose immobility rendered them prey to their attackers. These cries are not in vain. They will forever remind us to stick to the principles of peaceful coexistence.

It is my prayer that these cries reach our souls and minds. That these cries will help us see through our lives and energize our bodies to always cling to LOVE and shun away from resorting to violence in order to right our wrongs.

Finally, I salute the heroic actors – who despite all challenges and risks still venture into hostile fields to save lives. They remind us of the human possibility to confront evil and effect meaningful change. They embody the adhesive human force that holds us together.

Twitter: @mlemukol

O WOMEN, EVERYDAY IS YOUR DAY!

Today is yet another moment for me to express my feminist credentials. No society can stand without the power of a woman. They are depositories of love, life and laughter. Their creativity in the face of life's challenges is unmatched. They are the answers to complicated questions! O woman what a creature you are!

I am a product of a woman's power, vision and energies. I can't imagine crossing the crocodile-infested rivers of life minus the guiding hand of a woman that is my mother. I cherish and hold dear the role this model of humanity has played and continues playing. O woman what a model you are!

As a man I have no knowledge of how depressing it is for a woman to persevere the limitations and pain that come with child birth. But I can guess. It is not easy! It is risky! All in all you stood up strong. And I'm a fruit of your labour. O woman do I have anything to repay this?

Outside home, you demonstrated that peace is woman and woman is peace. You venture into hostile zones preaching peace and tolerance. You are emblems of social order. You stand out as the Constant North that guides God's sons and daughters to the cool waters of joy and love. O woman what a gifted soul you have!

We stand strong because of your soft power. We acknowledge this. It is a duty on our part to remember you daily. All the days of the year are yours. O women, EVERYDAY IS YOUR DAY!

NORTHLINK PRODUCTIONS HERALDS A BRIGHT FUTURE FOR TURKANA

 

The human body has a language - we often talk of body language. Decorations on the body can tell a narrative of clan and place. But the body has also been used to carry messages against itself. This is a vivid picture of what Turkana county is. It stands between paradise and hell. Wealth and poverty. Creativity and naivety. Light and darkness.

This beautiful land needs a face-lift. It yearns for a home-grown voice to "shout" to the world of the goodies it carries in her bosom. But who will do this?  Are there tales to tell the world? When and how will this happen?

A cloud of hope is slowly covering the Turkana landscape. The youths have grabbed the mantle. They have 'discovered' the hidden power in story-telling. They are ready to change the perception of a place known for poverty and famine. 

They have trained their eyes on the invisible wealth of their people. These self-appointed ambassadors of the people are very promising. 

 

Paradigm-shift is their philosophy, camera is their tool and hope is their daily creed. They are on the field to bring you the sweet, sweet stories of their motherland, Turkana.

Join me in exploring these people:

THE NORTHLINK PRODUCTIONS (NLP)

 

The Northlink Productions is a brainchild of three brilliant minds:  Lolibo Amos, Josephat Ekiru and Ebenyo William Eloto. This group is a tiny representation of thousands of talents out there. Their presence is a true reflection of the aspirations of the invisible dancers, artists, thinkers...in the fields of Turkana. 

The group was born two years ago with a central aim of "strengthening community bond, touching and changing lives through filming." They seek to support, nurture, train and build the film talents among the youths. Theirs is akin to a rescue centre for all with talents.

It has so far produced about twelve films covering various aspects of life of the Turkana people. Their work is premised on the thinking that the life of a people - in this case the Turkanas - is founded on knowledge-transfer and appreciation of culture. That development should incorporate the social life of a people for it to stand.

INCORPORATING OTHER TALENTS

In addition to filming, the group collaborates with many other "talent squads". They offer technical support to upcoming artists. For instance in 2013, the team helped produce one free music video by Nippy K (stage-name) - a local music artist. Their vision is to transform these "talent squads" into stand-alone groups that can help incorporate and reach out to others. 

AWARD-WINNING TEAM

The NLP Members have won several awards. "Never Again", a film directed by Lolibo Amos got the second position in slum film festival in Nairobi 2012. "Nipe Nafasi" directed by Lucy Lonyia was the best film in a film festival held in Kakuma - Tukana in 2012. ’’Love is Worth Suicide’’, won the best drama story in Nairobi 2013. Ebenyo William Eloto was awarded the best cinematographer in filmaid festival 2013 In Nairobi. Loliba Amos also got the best director for the film "Never Again."

 

SETBACKS AND PRAYERS

Lack of funds is the team’s greatest headache. Filmaid, a local NGO, has been their great friend for the last two years. It has helped train group members and purchasing of filming equipment.

Once this challenge is sorted out, they promise to scale up their activities to include the following:  Making of short films and documentaries that will be used in educating the community, screening of educative and informative contents /films to school and the community, making of documentaries, short films, series, feature films and editing them into meaningful contents and making copies of films and selling them as means of generating income for the youths.

The NLP can be reached via email: northlinkproductions@gmail.com

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There is nothing so fruitful and refreshing than having youths with visions and positive energy. They pose no “challenge” to their leaders. Their prayer is simple: lay down a strong foundation for them to succeed in their works. Can the County Government of Turkana do something to these minds?

Twitter: @mlemukol